Ten key aspects of developed economies, post recession

20 12 2010

There are times when the ideas of the world’s rulers and the institutions through which they govern are adequate to the needs of the era, and there are times–like the present–when they are not.   Walter Russell Mead

1. The shift in economic weight from west to east has been accelerated by the recession and its outcomes, leading to growing tensions

The latest G20 meeting took place in South Korea, a symbolic recognition of the growing importance of the east both from the venue and from the fact that the G20 itself, containing the dynamic eastern growth countries, is now the main international economic forum. The global imbalances between developing countries which helped to fuel the credit boom remain in place. Tensions over currency valuations between the US and China reflect both the interdependence between the two countries and their long-term divergence.

Low interest rates in the US and elsewhere lead to investment money pouring into China. This continues to stimulate the Chinese economy and promotes exports back to the US. This continues to make US exports less competitive. The US tries to combat this through more stimulus to the domestic economy and therefore the requirement for lower interest rates persists. The US would like China to allow the value of its currency to rise, something the Chinese have resisted up until now.

China is by far the largest holder of foreign exchange reserves, with stockpiles of $2,454bn at the end of June, around 65% of which is dollars – almost 30 per cent of the global total. In addition China holds 22% of foreign-owned US government debt or$843.7bn. As Hillary Clinton said recently in relation to China ‘how do you deal toughly with your banker?’

2   The US remains the global consumer of last resort

While the US continues its slow decline as a global power it remains the only one with a global reach. It also continues to play its role as the global consumer of last resort. 70% of US GDP is consumption based and its recovery from recession is based on increased domestic consumption not exports.

3. Political incoherence is encouraging the pursuit of narrow national self-interest

Most western economies are struggling to get out of the recession. This has led to a breakdown in international cooperation and the pursuit of what Philip Stephens calls ‘a pinched nationalism’ of countries that have ‘lost confidence’ in their future.

As Sean Collins argues

The underlying pressure comes from the fact that the major economies have not seen a robust recovery, and countries are pursuing their national interests, defined narrowly.

In particular the loosening of US influence has encouraged a breakdown in international cooperation between debtor and creditor nations

 4.  The eurozone may buckle under the pressure

Nowhere is the breakdown of political cooperation clearer than in Europe, whose eurozone countries constitute together the second biggest economy in the world. The long-term contradiction between countries whose currencies are linked but which have separate political systems has come to the fore. Germany, which is the main dynamo of the European economy, has now decided it is no longer going to bail out the weaker peripheral countries, the so-called PIGS. These economies can only exist in their current form on the basis of continued economic support from Germany and other large European economies.

This pursuit of a narrow self-interest by Germany could lead to the break up of the eurozone.

5. There has been insufficient restructuring of developed countries to create the conditions for growth

Wikileaks revealed that even the Governor of the Bank of England, Mervyn King, recognises that the UK economy has not been restructured enough to create the conditions for a new growth spurt

As Sean Collins has argued, even the kind of limited restructuring that General Motors has undergone in the US, under US government control, is both atypical and probably inadequate to return GM to its dominant position in the car market.

6. Big corporations are saving not investing

The main outcome of the recession for big western corporations is that they are sitting on piles of cash. In Europe cash now comprises between 9 and 10 per cent of assets on balance sheets and may break 12 per cent in two years time, a third higher than the peak of the previous cycle. As the graphs below illustrate, this cash hoarding is at the expense of investment

The opportunity to take advantage of the new growing markets in developing countries is being spurned due to conservatism and risk aversion.

 

7. Austerity not growth is the watchword

With the exception of the US all western economies are being subjected to austerity packages. While these are being justified on the basis of the need to appease global bond markets there is no doubt that governments really have no idea of what else to do. George Osborne, the UK Chancellor of the Exchequer, recently had to abandon plans to produce a white paper on growth because there were insufficient ideas to put into it. Austerity is the only policy they have, which leads to a decline in domestic demand, a dampening of international trade and probably an increase in protectionism.

8. The recovery,such as it is, is jobless

Austerity policies and the absence of investment has led to a situation that while most economies are now growing slowly, this has not led to an increase in employment.

9. The debate about our economic future is painfully inadequate

Both free market and neo keynesian economists have been discredited by the recession. Economic debate is now characterised by its pessimism, and a general belief that slow or even no growth in the west is both impossible to avoid and in some cases desirable. The door has also opened wide for those who have psychological explanations for economics, the behaviouralists. David Cameron’s attempt to switch the focus of the economic debate from ‘growth’ to ‘happiness’ is a sign of how bankrupt the economic debate has become.

10. The absence of opposition leaves considerable room to manoeuvre

The absence of any political opposition or economic alternative to austerity means that the elites have plenty of room to manoeuvre in managing their domestic economies: indeed, there is even some popular support for austerity measures.

On that note I would like to wish you all a merry Xmas and a very happy new year!!

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After the recession-the return of Keynes or the end of economics?

21 10 2009

images[1]Robert Lucas, the University of Chicago economist, joked last year that “everyone is a Keynesian in a foxhole’. At first glance it certainly seems that the idea of government intervention to maintain economies in trouble has made a comeback. In the past year various governments have nationalised banks, introduced major stimulus programmes, prevented industries from collapsing, subsidised employment and printed money in order to combat the financial crisis.

Yet as Sean Collins has argued in his excellent review of Keynes: The Return Of The Master by Robert Skidelsky, whom I shall be debating next week at  this event  , the ragbag of anti-crisis measures put together around the world was not the product of any widespread conversion to Keynesianism. It was instead an ad hoc programme of state measures aimed at one thing-staving off financial collapse and its perceived consequences.

The Keynes they like is not the proponent of permanent state intervention to guarantee full employment. He is instead the man who said ‘in the long run we are all dead’. In so far as Keynesianism means anything today it represents the short term managerial approach to running economies which characterises the UK and other developed countries. Why has there been so much state intervention from governments which have been arguing for ‘light touch’ regulation for the past ten years? Because there is no alternative on the horizon.

The recession has effectively destroyed, at least for the time being, the belief in free markets that has governed most of the developed world since the discrediting of Keynes in the 1970s. As Sean Collins argues however, we should not go along with the thesis that the past thirty years have been about actual free markets. During this period the state has continued to intervene in the economy, although in different ways.

Nevertheless we have reached a point where economics itself has been discredited. As Daniel Yergin argues there are so many explanations for the recession that no coherent narrative has emerged. This vacuum is being filled by another legacy from Keynes. His belief in both the power of psychology and the essential uncertainty of the capitalism economy have become more influential in response to the recession. Both of these points are highlighted by Skidelsky in his book.

The falling back on psychological explanations for the crisis amongst behavioural economists is a rejection of real economics. The crisis has in roots in economic stagnation in the west, the consequent financialisation of western economies and global imbalances created by the relative dynamism of the BRICs. To ignore these causes and point to crowd psychology reduces the problem to one susceptible by state manipulation of people’s activity. In this sense it fits with the short termism we spoke of above. It represents an inability to face reality and think through what it would mean to create more dynamic western economies.

The elevation of uncertainty as a major problem is also wrong. Keynes, writing in the 1930s was obsessed with the threat of capitalist collapse. Faced with the Depression and looming global conflict this was not an unreasonable fear. It is to Keynes’ credit, in contrast with many who followed after him, that he understood that economics is about politics. His argument for full employment was that it was necessary to stave off revolution.

In fact one thing the recession has shown us is that capitalism is in general very stable and quite predictable. We are in the midst of a major recession but as I have noted before there has been very little social response. This is because capitalism is at root a system of social relations. No matter how bad the economy may get, as long as there is no organised alternative it will bounce back.

Emphasising the uncertainty and risks involved in capitalism today can only have one effect, one which Skidelsky himself recognises,’uncertainty imposes a kind of permanent fearfulness about the future which puts a damper on economic progress’. Skidelsky also criticises some of the behaviouralist economists, like Shiller, for ‘panic’ in the face of apparently irrational human behaviour in the run up to the recession.

There may be opportunities, due to the crisis within economics, to debate what kind of economy we need. This would entail rejecting the panic and uncertainty brigade and arguing for a longer term more strategic approach to the economy, more planning, more debate about where we want to go and above all more leadership.





Holiday readings

24 07 2009

A23XVPHCAQUS926CAFWOPAFCA2EVLBGCAPMTBIPCAW6R2TYCA9Z38H5CASP9KSICAD9ATPYCAG9UCHECA248K9NCAHNB7E8CA0D4K0GCATCPEKWCAPL9XPVCAIZWY50CA855VR1CAEGF8BFCA12PAA1CAV2ZH0A The past 9 months have been full of change and incident. The global economic crisis has shaken the political elites of many countries. In the UK our own government has barely survived. We are now left with the consequences of the recession, rising unemployment and economic stagnation. Over the past six months I have tried to respond to the many problems and questions about the future of the UK which the recession has highlighted. My overall approach is best summed up in this article I wrote in The Times.

This blog is taking a break until September. For those of you who wish to deepen your understanding of the crisis and what lies behind it I would draw your attention to what I consider to be the most helpful articles I have read on this subject.

This article by Gavin Poynter and this one by Phil Mullan explain how the crisis is rooted in the changing material conditions of the western economies over a period of time.

This article by Sean Collins which explains what is specific about this recession compared to previous ones.

This article by James Heartfield and this one by Gavin Poynter which look at the interpenetration of the state and the private sector in the UK.

And finally the white paper I wrote as the recession began late last year and which kicked this blog off.

Happy holidays!!





Democratic reform and the Titanic

1 06 2009
Asset bubbles + zombie political parties = ?

Asset bubbles + zombie political parties = ?

The news that the last survivor of the Titanic, Lillian Gertrud Asplund, has died reminds us that rearranging the deckchairs on that doomed vessel has since been a metaphor for wasting time on trivial things while disaster looms. The current discussion on democratic reform falls into that category. Whatever may or may not be the merits of proportional representation, the discussion about them at this point is almost entirely irrelevant to the real problems we face. The debacle over MPs’ expenses is partly the product of underlying anger about the recession, partly a response to politicians lecturing us about personal morality for years, and partly their own fault for making greed the official cause of the recession itself. These are all symptoms of a political crisis and not causes.

These contingent factors have precipitated a crisis in public confidence in the parties. But the bankruptcy of our political culture is the culmination of a long process of deterioration in politics, not the cause of it. The political parties have had their political blood drained away over the years: zombie parties propped up by bubbles in the economy

The problem of the emptiness of politics is not going to disappear simply because we vote for MPs in a different way. Neither is it right to see this crisis simply as a distraction from dealing with the economy, as the head of the CBI reminds us today. It is the crisis of politics that has led us into this recession and that has also caused the weak and vacillating response to it. The recession has exposed the problems for all to see and it is this public exposure that is now bringing down the political parties.

The second part of Sean Collins’ excellent essay on the difference between the 1930s Depression and today ends by making the point that the US President FD Roosevelt, whatever his failings, at least tried to attack the cause of the Depression in a bold and experimental way. This kind of openness to experimentation does not mean making Esther Rantzen an MP, it means throwing off many of the conservative ways of thinking and operating that have become part of our way of life.

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Every recession is different

29 04 2009

This is the message of Sean Collins’ excellent new essay, The ‘credit crunch’: another Great Depression?  where he looks at the difference between the slump in the 1930s and the recession today. As he quite rightly points out, every recession is different and therefore demands a different approach in terms of a resolution. Collins lists the following aspects of this recession which mark it out from the 30s: 

1) As the post-war boom ended, the major economies encountered significant problems of stagnant profitability in productive industries. These problems were not fundamentally addressed by the recessions of the 1970s, 1980s or the early 1990s, and remain to this day. Extreme examples of the holdover of unprofitable businesses are the American car manufacturers GM and Chrysler.

2) As the economy grows, so too will the credit and the financial sphere. However, a trend in the major economies is for this sphere to grow at a faster pace than the real economy. Especially noticeable since the 1987 stock market crash was the trend for stagnancy in production leading to surplus capital, which found outlets in an even more extensive expansion of credit and a greater development of (and reliance on) finance as an income-generating area. This development explains the stock market and housing bubbles, as well as the proliferation of financial instruments.

3) A turning point was the end of the Cold War in the late 1980s, which, among other things, lessened international tensions and weakened labour movements. In the global arena, we see greater export of capital and goods from the developed countries, and the expansion of production in emerging markets. A significant development is the opening up of new points of production in China and other parts of Asia.

4) The easing of tensions following the end of the Cold War also gave the market system much more room to manoeuvre, without the need for destructive, cleansing recessions. This allowed capitalism to survive without traditional boom-bust cycles, otherwise known as the ‘Great Moderation’ and ‘SAD’ (stable, anaemic, durable) period. Many have welcomed that recessions became milder and less frequent, but the downside was that growth was muted. Another self-imposed constraint in this period are ‘green’ measures that restrict expansion. 

5) The wide expansion of credit, including debt-fuelled consumption, was not sustainable. No one could anticipate when the limit of the credit system would be reached. But now we know: it was precipitated by the US sub-prime crisis, with domino effects across finance and into other sectors.

6) The problems in the productive sphere in the major economies continue today (and arguably more in the US and UK than in Germany and Japan). The ‘deleveraging’ effect from the credit crisis has not fully played out, and is likely to be destructive. In particular, the fallout from this severe asset-based recession will now curb both key drivers of previous 10 to 15 years of economic activity: bank lending/financial activity and consumer spending, leaving a question mark over future sources of growth.

Read this alongside Gavin Poynter’s analysis of the UK economy and you get a very compelling case for the specificities of the problems we face.

At The Battle for the Economy conference in London on May 16 (2009) we will be attempting to tackle some of the issues raised by Sean and Gavin. Lazy comparisons with the past are out, as are false hopes that the underlying problems will just go away.  Our politicians are ducking many of the central issues and at best they are offering us a future of austerity – it will be a great discussion so buy your tickets now.